This 2paper requires the fonts .
Shared Intertextual Interpretations
in the Dead Sea
Scrolls and the New Testament1
George J. Brooke
University of Manchester
I. Introduction
The principal purpose of this paper is to begin to describe the
literary character of similar combinations of scriptural passages
which appear in some Qumran and some New Testament texts. There have
been many studies on individual scriptural passages which are found
in both a text from Qumran and in the New Testament,2 sometimes
with strikingly similar intentions, and there are also extensive
studies on some texts like 4Q175 (4QTestimonia) which use scriptural
texts in a combination, the parts of which are then variously used in
diverse places in the New Testament.3 However, there has been
little attempt so far to isolate those passages in both Qumran texts
and in the New Testament where a common combination of scriptural
passages seem to be used. Various reasons might be given to explain
the lack of study of this phenomenon: maybe this is because there are
relatively few cases of such shared combinations, or maybe it is
because the recent generation of New Testament scholars has tended to
focus on explicit quotations alone, thereby reducing the possibility
of perceiving combinations of the use of scriptural passages, one of
which may be explicit whilst others are somewhat concealed in
allusion.
There is indeed a certain danger inherent in this task. It is
often difficult to be certain that particular scriptural passages lie
behind certain Qumran or New Testament phrases. And yet the need for
undertaking a study such as this arises in order to underline the
complexity of the evidence when faced with claims that the movement
reflected in the sectarian texts left its mark in very concrete ways
on the early churches and even on Jesus himself. The starting point
in an investigation of this sort must be the literary character of
the presentation of combined scriptural passages, not the simple
question of whether New Testament authors have simply copied the
combination of scriptural passages they variously use from a text now
found at Qumran. This starting point requires a literary sensitivity
which is not immediately drawn towards making assertions about the
possibility of the dependence of one author upon another, about the
possible historical connections between texts, about cause and
effect. Thus, because a literary approach like this makes more of
each author's own integrity, undoubtedly the tendency in this
investigation is to discern more of the differences between the early
Christian writers and the authors of the compositions which have been
found at Qumran.
The very paucity of texts in both the Qumran corpus and the New
Testament where a solid case can be made that the latter is quoting
from the former (or something very like it) goes some way towards
demonstrating the point. So, for example, it is intriguing that in CD
4:19-5:2 four scriptural passages (Mic. 2:6; Gen. 1:27; 7:9; Deut.
17:17) are used in close proximity in an argument against divorce or
polygamy or both; the similar use of Gen. 1:27 both there and in Mark
10:6 has often been highlighted to underline the proximity of Jesus'
reasoning to that of the Damascus covenanters, even to the point that
the Genesis verse is introduced in a similar fashion in both
texts.4 Even though the subsequent use of Gen. 2:24 in Mark 10:7-8
seems somewhat redundant to the argument that Mark represents Jesus
as making and so implies that the New Testament passage is quoting
from a source,5 since Gen. 2:24 does not feature in the argument of
CD 4:19-5:2, we must conclude that the CD passage cannot be that
source. The similar introductory phraseology in both passages (CD
4:21: h)yrbh dwsy) may also suggest some commonality between
them. However, it is also notable that it is only the one scriptural
passage that both texts actually share.
Another important introductory point also needs to be made. The
recent tendency amongst New Testament scholars in particular to focus
on explicit quotations6 has often resulted in studies that do
little more than discuss the textual affinity of the quotation in its
New Testament setting.7 Furthermore such an approach tends to lead
to discussion of the use of such scriptural quotations as if they
were generally taken directly from a scriptural text. There is little
concern to show how scriptural passages may be meaningful, not just
in themselves in isolation but because of the interpretative
traditions associated with them over generations. A search for common
exegetical combinations is thus an attempt to say that it is likely
that most scripture is used by individuals and their communities as
mediated to them by their contemporaries and immediate forebears.
The study of so-called comparative midrash, which may include New
Testament examples, has been around for a long time, but, again, this
has generally been carried out in relation to single scriptural
phrases, verses or pericope.8 It is the arrival of
intertextuality9 on the scholarly scene which enables the kind of
study proposed here to be undertaken with some awareness of
methodological insights gained from a variety of literary critical
approaches.10 In light of this it is only right to define what is
intended here by the term intertextuality. What I mean is that all
texts present their own meanings only inasmuch as they are in
dialogue, primarily with other texts. Diachronically this dialogue is
nearly exclusively with other texts, though this should not be
understood as a matter of any author simply having sources; rather
there is "transposition" of earlier material into something new.11
This means that intertextuality is not primarily about identifying
what has influenced any writer, but about observing the
transformation of influences. The tendency, therefore, is to notice
the distinctiveness of the new text whilst acknowledging that no text
is a closed system. Synchronically the dialogue can be with social
reality apprehended in a variety of verbal forms. The dialogue may
sometimes be on a one-to-one basis, though those concerned with
intertextuality would suggest this was seldom the case. More commonly
a text reflects the outcome of a dialogue with several partners who
in turn are the products of their own dialogues; moreover as the
texts from Qumran show only too well, the continuous dialogue
produces multiple redactions and recensions.
The explicit citation of other texts is the most obvious way in
which the dialogue between texts is visible to the reader. But
generally a whole range of other allusions inform a text's
representation of ideas. This can be seen most readily in poetry, so
that it is not surprising that critics concerned with intertextuality
often begin with poetry, but it is no less the case with nearly all
non-poetic genres. So the purpose of this study is not to investigate
any text's single dialogue partner, but to expose how similar
intertextual clusters may recur in more than one place. This analysis
may say little or nothing about the dialogue partner's original
intention, but in juxtaposing texts from Qumran and the New Testament
will show on the one hand something of where the common exegetical
traditions may most pertinently lie and on the other, by default,
where the differences are between these two groups of roughly
contemporaneous literature.
II. Shared Intertextual Interpretations
The examples of shared intertextual interpretations listed and
described briefly here are presented in the canonical order of the
principal base text which is quoted first. Since there are common
features in many of the examples, there is no attempt at this stage
to present the material in some kind of taxonomy.
A. 2 Samuel 7 and Psalm 2 in 4Q174 and Hebrews 112
The principal fragment of 4Q174 contains two sections of explicit
scriptural interpretation.13 The first seems to be the end of an
eschatological exegesis of the oracle of Nathan in 2 Sam. 7:5-16. The
precise extent and structure of the exegesis is difficult to discern.
The extant lines 1-2 contain a citation of 2 Sam. 7:10-11aa which is
then interpreted through the subsidiary quotation of phrases from
Exod. 15:17 and Deut. 23:3-4. Then in the middle of line 7 without a
break, 2 Sam. 7:11ab is quoted after the introductory formula
rm) r#)w; in turn this is interpreted, the
interpretation being introduced solely by r#).
Line 9 ends approximately 18 letter spaces short of the average left
hand margin. Lines 10-11 then present an abbreviated quotation of 2
Sam. 7:11b-14a, the interpretation of which is introduced by a
pronoun and which contains a secondary quotation of Amos 9:11. It is
worth noting both that the term r#p is nowhere
used in this section of interpretation and also that although the
oracle of Nathan appears to provide the running text for the thematic
exegesis, it is not cited in its entirety, nor are all parts of this
base text presented in the same way.
A new section of interpretation then begins at the right hand
margin in line 14 of this principal fragment of 4Q174. This section
opens with the striking formula Nm #rdm which
introduces a quotation of Ps. 1:1a which is followed by an
interpretation introduced by a formula containing the technical term
r#p. This interpretation contains explicit
subsidiary quotations of parts of Isa. 8:11 and Ezek. 37:23. The
interpretation ends a few letter spaces before the average left hand
margin in line 17. Line 18 seems to begin a new section by citing Ps.
2:1-2; the first words are missing from both lines 18 and 19, but it
is widely agreed that Ps. 2:1 was not introduced formulaically and
that the whole of Ps. 2:2 including the last word
wxy#m was cited. As with Ps 1:1 the
interpretation is introduced with a formula including the word
r#p. Although there is little or nothing
individualistic about the interpretation which survives at the top of
column 2 in the fragment, it seems likely not only that
wxy#m is understood to refer to an individual,
but also that it is a major part of the link between the midrash on
Psalms 1 and 2 and the exegesis of Nathan's oracle in 2 Samuel 7.
This detailed description is necessary to establish the connection
between the two sections of exegesis in this principal fragment of
4Q174, since elsewhere in each separate section it is more or less
clear how the various subsidiary quotations can be associated with
the principal text which they are being used to interpret. Sometimes
this is done through catchword association, sometimes through other
means.14 But the two sections of exegesis, that on 2 Samuel 7 and
that on Psalms 1 and 2, display distinctive characteristics and so
may not automatically and deliberately follow on one from the other.
This is most obvious in that none of the interpretations in the first
section are introduced with technical formulae using the word
r#p, whereas it is consistently used in the
interpretations of the Psalms. Might it be the case that the two
sections of interpretation are no more closely related than that one
represents exegesis of the prophetic section of an emerging
collection of scriptures, the other the writings, as É. Puech
has suggested?15
That there is some closer link between the two sections of
exegesis on this principal fragment of 4Q174 seems to emerge from
consideration of the content of the interpretations themselves. It is
clear that in both the phrase Mymyh tyrx)
features prominently, so much so indeed that A. Steudel's recent
analysis of the text has used the phrase, as have others before her,
to determine the character of the whole manuscript and how it may be
related to other manuscripts.16 Given this minimal thematic
relationship, it is then possible to argue that in fact the citations
of the opening verses of Psalms 1 and 2 function merely as incipit
phrases, phrases which imply the rest of the Psalm. The intertextual
relationship of the two exegetical sections becomes a little clearer
as a result. It is noticeable that in the final section of the
citation and interpretation of 2 Samuel 7, which comes to consider
the son of David talked of in 2 Sam. 7:14 as referring to the Shoot
of David, the kingly messiah, all those phrases which might imply
that the text of Samuel was only referring to the actual physical son
of David, namely Solomon, are omitted.17 The subsequent implied
citation of the whole of Psalm 2 makes the interpretative purpose
clear, since from Ps. 2:2 it is obvious that the son of Ps 2:7 also
refers to the messiah, the kingly one as Ps. 2:6 makes clear.
Thus 4Q174 seems to offer citations and interpretations of 2
Samuel 7 and Psalm 2 which show that the two scriptural passages are
mutually interdependent, are held together through mutual
intertextuality.18 That 2 Samuel 7 and Psalm 2 were thought of in
this way as mutually illuminating is confirmed by the New Testament
counterpart to the principal citations in 4Q174. In the Letter to the
Hebrews the opening argument concerns the place of the son in the
hierarchy of things. The author sets out immediately to argue that
the son is superior to the angels through presenting a catena of
proofs from the Psalms and other texts. The catena begins with the
citation of Ps. 2:7, which is followed immediately by 2 Sam. 7:14.
Perhaps Psalm 2 was used because of the mention of the inheritor, the
heir (cf. Ps. 2:8), in Heb. 1:2; or maybe Psalm 2 was used because
its usage elsewhere in early Christian circles (cf. Mark 1:11; Acts
13:33) was well-known to the author of Hebrews. Whatever prompted its
usage, the author reinforced the purpose of citing it by referring
immediately to 2 Sam. 7:14.
It must be noted that the evidence of Hebrews 1 does not imply any
form of literary dependence of the author of Hebrews on some Qumranic
forebear, even though there may be plenty of scrolls' influence
detectable in the work as a whole.19 The point in drawing attention
to the parallel is to show that both authors were acquainted with a
tradition whereby 2 Samuel 7 and Psalm 2 belong together. The two
texts are mutually suggestive of one another and need not be
considered to have come from a written source. Thus we are dealing
here with intertextual exegetical tradition rather than literary
dependence.20 This seems to be confirmed inasmuch as 4Q174 begins
with 2 Samuel 7, whereas in Hebrews Psalm 2 comes first. Also, as
argued above, the author of 4Q174 is presenting material which he
took to refer to the kingly messiah. The author of Hebrews knows this
to be the case too, since, although the term Christ is not used until
Heb 3:6, as soon as the term is used it is explicated in terms of
sonship: "Christ, however, was faithful over God's house as a son."
On first impression the similar conjunction of 2 Samuel 7 and
Psalm 2 in passages discussing the role and status of the messiah
seems striking. On closer analysis the similarities are not so great.
Most notably the texts are cited in a different order, and for Psalm
2 each text explicitly cites a different element, even though those
elements both describe something of the one who is taken to be the
messiah. There is no need to suppose any literary dependence of
Hebrews on Qumran messianism; rather, in contexts of messianic
discussion, two texts have independently used a combination of
scriptural passages which are in themselves mutually illuminating.
Their intertextuality is self-suggested. Nevertheless, it is quite
reasonable to suppose that the general setting of messianic debate
within turn of the era Palestinian Judaism contributed to the
parameters of what might have been found to be useful in both
secondary exegetical contexts.
B. Isaiah 5 in 4Q500 and with Psalm 118 in Mark 1221
This example of shared intertextual interpretation is of a rather
different kind. 4Q500 fragment 1 contains the remnants of just a few
lines which J.M. Baumgarten has discussed most fully.22 He has
proposed convincingly that the text is part of a blessing addressed
to God, based principally on the metaphor of the vineyard in Isaiah
5. It is interesting to note that clearly other scriptural passages
have also influenced the reworking of Isaiah 5 as it is represented
in the new way now visible in the fragment. Several features of the
fragmentary lines echo Isaiah 5: the winepress
(bqy, line 3; Isa. 5:2), the planting
((+m, line 5; (+n, Isa.
5:7), the delights (My(w#(#, line 6; Isa. 5:7),
and even the vineyard itself (hkmr[k, line 7;
Mrk, Isa 5:1). As a liturgical text, it is
poetic and lacks any obvious explicit citation of scripture, but in
association with allusions to Isaiah 5 there are several other
phrases which in particular recall certain psalms.23 Overall the
principal fragment of 4Q500 belongs in the tradition of those texts
which link the vineyard with Jerusalem and the various features of
the vineyard with parts of the temple mount and the sanctuary.24
4Q500 uses the Isaiah 5 vineyard material in intertextual
interpretative association with other scriptural phrases which then
allow for the whole text to be "a description of the temple, either
heavenly, or, more probably, earthly, which is the suitable place for
the people (Isaiah's own interpretation) to bless God (possibly the
genre of 4Q500)."25
Notable in this line of interpretation is the language of
building. In Isa 5:2 the beloved builds a watch tower; in tg. Jon.
Isa. 5:2 this is referred to the building of the sanctuary with its
altar.26 It seems natural that the particular understanding of the
vineyard as Jerusalem, or the temple mount or part of it, should
require an emphasis on the buildings in it. Part of this emphasis may
arise out of the need of those who use this image from Isaiah 5 to
interact with Isa. 5:7 in a particular way; there Isaiah's own
interpretation of the vineyard is that the vineyard is the house of
Israel, "the people of Judah are his pleasant planting." The stress
on building facilitates the interpretative transition to refer the
vineyard to Jerusalem and the temple. This same exegetical
development can be seen in the New Testament in Mark 12:1-12 (//
Matt. 21:33-45; Luke 20:9-19) where the vineyard of Isa 5:1-7 is used
in a parable and is interpreted as referring to Jerusalem and/or the
temple from which the beloved son is cast out (Mark 12:6-8 //). The
building motif is to be found in the parable in the secondary use of
Ps. 118:22-23 which is linked to Isa. 5:2 through the catchword of
building (oi0kodome&w): "the stone which the
builders rejected has become the head of the corner."
As with the previous example there is no need to suggest the
literary dependence of the New Testament exegetical tradition upon
its Qumran parallel. Both reflect the understanding of Isaiah 5 as
referring to Jerusalem and the temple, and both seem to clarify those
references by drawing on the motif of building in various ways. The
interpretative approach in each seems to be based on similar
intertextual resonances. In the parable of the vineyard in the New
Testament these resonances become explicit, and christologically so,
through the use of Psalm 118 which features elsewhere in early
Christian thought (Acts 4:11; 1 Peter 2:7). The modern interpreter's
task is to perceive the suggestive elements in the source text and to
hear their echoes in other texts. When this is done with sensitivity,
then the intertextual associations discerned in one text assist in
the better understanding of others.
C. Isaiah 35 and 61 and Psalm 146 in 4Q521 and Luke 7
Since its preliminary edition by É. Puech in 1992,27
4Q521 has attracted very wide attention.28 Such interest has been
focused around the identity of the messiah and whether it is he or
God himself who "makes the dead live" (hyxy Mytmw, 4Q521 2 ii + 4, line 12). In fact, apart from all
the parallels listed at the outset by Puech, little detailed work has
yet been done on the scriptural phrases alluded to in 4Q521 fragments
2 ii and 4. For the sake of this study the parallels in Luke 7:18-23
and Matt. 11:2-6 will be allowed to control which lines of these two
fragments of 4Q521 are investigated here. The picture is very
complicated and it is surely far from certain that because both 4Q521
and the Jesus saying both contain reference to "giving life
to/raising the dead" and "preaching good news to the poor," in that
order, we must conclude, as J.J. Collins has done, that "it is quite
possible that the author of the Sayings source knew 4Q521."29
If Luke 7 is taken as the starting point for comparison, then
there are six elements in what Jesus is supposed to have said to John
the Baptist's disciples concerning how they and their master should
be able to recognize the significance of who he is: (1) "the blind
see (tufloi\ a)nable&pousin);"30 (2) "the lame
walk"31 (3) "lepers are cleansed" (4) "the deaf hear"32 (5) "the
dead are raised" and (6) "the poor have good news preached to
them."33 This list is commonly supposed to be based on a
combination of LXX Isa. 35:5, which mentions "the blind" "the deaf
hearing" and "the lame," together with LXX Isa. 61:1, which mentions
the poor having good news preached to them and the blind seeing.34
There seems to be no parallel in the LXX for the lepers being
cleansed nor for the dead being raised. The former does recur in
Matt. 10:8, an independent version of the saying which makes the
picture more complex still as it lists healing the sick, raising the
dead, cleansing lepers and casting out demons. The latter, giving
life to the dead, is common to Luke 7:22 (// Matt. 11:5) and 4Q521.
There are two lists in 4Q521 2 ii and 4 in close proximity to one
another which are relevant to this discussion. In the first, in line
8, there is mention of the release of captives, giving sight to the
blind, and raising up the bowed down ([Mypw]pk Pqwz Myrw( xqwp Myrws) rytm). This list is an almost verbatim
representation of Ps. 146:7-8 (Myrws) rytm hwhy
Mypwpk Pqz hwhy Myrw( xqp hwhy ),35 though giving sight to the
blind is also in Isa. 35:5 and 61:1 (LXX). The second list in 4Q521
is in lines 12-13: "heal the wounded (Myllx )pry)" (cf. Matt. 10:8, "heal the sick"), "give life to the dead
(hyxy Mytm)" (cf. Luke 7:22 // Matt. 11:5; Matt.
10:8), "preach good news to the poor (r#by Mywn()" (cf. Isa. 61:1; Luke 7:22 // Matt. 11:5),
"satisfy the weak ([(y]b#y M[yld])," "lead
the cast out (lhny My#wtn)," and "enrich the
hungry (r#(y Myb(r)" (cf. Ps. 146:7). The opening
item in this second list is intriguing, since it is echoed in the
list in the independent saying in Matt. 10:8, but more significantly
seems itself to echo Isa. 61:1, but not in the form found in the MT
or the Qumran manuscripts, but in the Vorlage of the Isa. 61:1 LXX,
the second element of which is "to heal
(i0a&sasqai) the broken-hearted," an element which
strangely is not in any witness for the programmatic quotation of
Isa. 61:1 in Luke 4:18 or the lists in Luke 7:22 // Matt. 11:5.
Furthermore, as Puech has noted,36 the combination of "healing" and
"giving life" is to be found in Deut. 32:39.
Only two elements are common to the second list in 4Q521 and Luke
7:22 // Matt. 11:5, "giving life/raising the dead," and "preaching
good news to the poor." The first of these elements is unique to
these two lists, and the order of the two elements is the same in
both. Beyond that the parallels end. Luke 7:22 // Matt. 11:5 is a
complex combination of parts of Isa. 35:5 and 61:1. Apart from
"preaching good news to the poor," 4Q521 is a combination of
different elements of Isa. 61:1 with motifs from other passages,
possibly Isa. 49:9, Ps. 107:9, and Ps. 146:7, the last of which, if
correctly restored, neatly ties the second list in 4Q521 back to the
first which is exclusively from that Psalm.37
What can be made of all of this? When it is remembered that in the
one striking parallel pair, "giving life to/raising the dead" and
"preaching good news to the poor", the first element is represented
in the two traditions partially in synonymous translation, then the
similarity of the pair is slightly weakened. Overall a string of
scriptural passages mostly from Isaiah and the Psalms lie behind the
two developments in 4Q521 and Luke 7:22 // Matt. 11:5. In one pair of
elements there seems to be a striking similarity which needs to be
qualified slightly; in the rest the scriptural passages are
re-presented in a rich variety of ways, suggesting anything but
literary dependence. Here is a collection of scriptural passages to
be associated with the activity of God (and his anointed agent) in
the last days. The scriptural texts suggest each other, and this
suggestive intertextuality is inherited and expressed variously in
these later traditions.38
D. Isaiah 61 and Leviticus 25 in 11Q13 and Luke 439
In this instance the juxtaposition of two scriptural texts is
quite explicit in the text from cave 11, but less clear in the New
Testament counterpart. In 11Q13, 11QMelchizedek, there are remnants
of three columns of writing, but it is column 2 that is most
substantial.40 The use of scripture in this column has often been
studied,41 but its intertextual significance in comparison with
Luke 4 bears some further comment.
Though the precise placing of a few fragments remains debatable,
it is clear enough that in 11Q13 column 2 the exegesis is dependent
upon Lev. 25:9-13 as its base text. At the top of column 2 Lev. 25:13
is supplemented with explicit reference to Deut. 15:2 in which the
sabbatical year is described as a time for the remission of debts, in
a way similar to that which should take place in the jubilee year
according to Leviticus 25.42 The use of the idiom rwrd )rq in Lev. 25:10, "you shall proclaim liberty throughout
the land to all its inhabitants," is echoed, possibly deliberately on
the part of the composer of the oracle, in Isa. 61:1. The author of
11Q13 knew this and throughout the rest of the column there are
allusions to Isa. 61:1-3 as description of the ultimate jubilee which
is linked to the end of the tenth jubilee period and initiated on the
Day of Atonement.
According to the story in Luke 4 at the very outset of his public
ministry Jesus is in the synagogue at Nazareth and is handed the
scroll of the prophet Isaiah from which he seems to read Isa. 61:1-2,
but in fact reads a conflation of Isa. 61:1a, b, d; 58:6d; 61:2a. The
presence of this conflated text is one of the keys to appreciating
how Luke may have intended an allusion to the jubilee material of
Leviticus 25, even including its association with Deut 15:2. The key
word which links the phrase from Isa. 58:6 to Isa. 61:1 is
a!fesij, the word used in Leviticus 25 for both
rwrd and lbwy. The same
Greek term is used in Deut. 15:2 to render h+m#.
Through the stress on this word Luke seems to make a connection with
the jubilee legislation of Leviticus 25 which Isa. 61:1-2 may itself
do. In the same way that the author of 11Q13 makes the connection
between Isaiah 61 and Leviticus 25 explicit, so the conflated
quotation in Luke 4:18-19 implies something similar.43
In addition to this intertextual allusion which is virtually
suggested by the text of scripture itself, either in Hebrew or in
Greek, various arguments have been adduced concerning the possible
connection of this prophetic reading with the Day of Atonement; apart
from hints in 1Q22, they are all problematic, given that little or
nothing is known about what might have formed part of a lectionary
cycle in the first century CE.44 But two other matters should be
noticed. Firstly, if Isa. 61:1-2 is designed to be programmatic for
Jesus' ministry as depicted in Luke, then one can justifiably ask at
what point Jesus may be considered to release prisoners. In light of
11Q13 J.A. Fitzmyer wonders whether this phrase does not rather refer
to imprisoned debtors.45 A concern with debt is visible at several
places in the traditions associated with Jesus, notably in the Lord's
Prayer (Luke 11:4 // Matt. 6:12), but it does not seem to be a
special feature of Luke's writings as the programmatic use of Isa.
61:1-2 in Luke 4 might have implied. Although a link with the Jubilee
may be possible, it may be preferable to see the reference to the
release of prisoners as programmatic for the activities of the
apostles in Acts.
A second matter is also intriguing. In Luke Jesus's ministry
begins in the synagogue at Nazareth rather than with the call of the
disciples as in the other Synoptic Gospels. There is a deliberate
reordering of tradition at this point. Reordering has also taken
place in an earlier section of material so that, directly before the
temptation account which Luke adjusts for his own purposes and places
immediately before the public ministry of Jesus, Luke has placed the
genealogy of Jesus. The genealogy of Jesus is immediately relevant to
the debate which follows the reading and interpretation of Isa. 61:1
at Nazareth: in Luke 4:22 all speak well of Jesus, but enquire
(rhetorically?46) "Is not this Joseph's son?" The content of the
genealogy also gives some grounds for reading the adjusted quotation
of Isa. 61:1-2 in Luke 4:18-19 as to be understood in terms of the
jubilee.
Luke's genealogy consists of seventy-seven generations from Adam
to Jesus. R.J. Bauckham has pointed out that the key to understanding
the Lukan schematization does not depend upon seeing Jesus as
inaugurating a twelfth set of seven generations, but in noticing that
something Enochic lies behind the composition.47 The seventh and
seventy-seventh places are significant (cf. Gen. 4:24; Matt. 18:22),
the one occupied by Enoch, the other by Jesus; "furthermore, we
should remember that for a mind concerned with the symbolic
significance of sevens special significance also attaches to seven
times seven - the jubilee figure of forty-nine. It cannot be
accidental that in the Lukan genealogy the name Jesus occurs not only
in seventy-seventh place, but also in forty-ninth place - where the
only namesake of Jesus among his ancestors appears (Luke 3:29)."48
In 1 Enoch 10:12 Michael is instructed to bind the Watchers for
seventy generations until the great day of their judgement, the day
of judgement at the end of world history. Thus as in Luke's genealogy
so in 1 Enoch world history is schematized into seventy-seven
generations. Much detailed analysis is required to discover how
Luke's genealogy is constructed, especially the view that the messiah
is descended from David through his son Nathan, but the schematic
parallel with 11Q13 is what is significant for the purposes of the
best understanding of the use of Isa. 61:1-2 in Luke 4. In 11Q13 the
great Day of Atonement occurs at the end of the tenth jubilee period,
just as the judgement of the Watchers in I Enoch 10 occurs at the end
of ten periods of seven generations each. The periodization of
history in all three texts (1 Enoch, 11Q13, Luke) is similar and for
understanding the genealogy of Luke these Jewish parallels disclose
that Luke's Jesus can be understood to belong at the end of the tenth
jubilee period from Enoch.
What is the significance of this similar usage of the combination
of Levitcus 25 and Isaiah 61 in both 11Q13 and Luke 4? The texts are
mutually illuminating in several respects, with regard to the
eschatological fulfilment of the jubilee chronology in the activity
of an anointed one. But the similarities are not so great when the
two texts are looked at closely. In 11Q13 Leviticus 25 is the base
text with which other secondary texts from the law, prophets and the
psalms are associated through a variety of means, mostly in terms of
explicit citation, often with introductory formulae. There are no
significant variants from the MT in the forms of text which are
cited. In Luke 4, on the other hand, it is Isaiah 61 which controls
the narrative and secondary allusions (Isaiah 58; Leviticus 25;
Deuteronomy 15) are contained not within the narrative as explicit
scriptural quotations but within the form in which Isa. 61:1-2 is
itself cited. The intertextual combination of scriptural passages is
somewhat similar in both passages as is the exegetical outlook, but
the detailed means of quoting the texts differs and the application
of the passages in relation to different figures (Melchizedek and
Jesus) is obvious.
E. Ezekiel 1 and 10 in 4Q385 and Revelation 449
4Q385, known as Pseudo-Ezekiela, currently has eight fragments
assigned to it.50 Frag. 4 contains a rewritten version of the
throne chariot vision of Ezekiel 1. As the text of Ezekiel 1 is
re-presented there appear to be identifiable elements of the parallel
visionary passage in Ezekiel 10. By tabulating the parallels between
the scriptural texts of Ezekiel 1 and 10 and the rewritten form in
Pseudo-Ezekiel, the editors of the text have been able to show that
it is precisely at the point where there is the most obvious overlap
between the phraseology of Ezekiel 10 and Pseudo-Ezekiel that the
order of Ezekiel 1 seems to be disregarded. This happens in lines
9-12 of fragment 4.51 With regard to this process they comment:
"Another interesting addition refers to what is seen on both sides of
the wheels. This is one of the few details which seems to betray the
influence of the parallel Merkabah vision in Ezekiel 10, especially
10, 2, 6-7, where the place of the coals of fire amidst the Cherubim
is repeatedly referred to."52 A similar clarificatory intertextual
interweaving can be seen in 4Q405, frags 20-22.53
The same kind of interweaving of elements from Ezekiel 1 and 10
can be found in Revelation 4. Elsewhere I have set out the details in
a tabulated form.54 At the end of 4Q385, frag. 4 there is allusion
to Ezek. 1:25; Rev. 4:2 has Ezek. 1:26-28 controlling the vision from
4:2 onwards, with a secondary allusion to Ezek. 10:1. Rev. 4:5
alludes to the lightning of Ezek. 1:13, a verse used in the summary
of 4Q385 4 12. Rev. 4:6 refers to the sea of glass, like crystal,
with a possible allusion to Ezek. 1:22, a verse in fact associated
with Ezek. 1:13 in 4Q385 as well. Then Rev. 4:6b introduces the four
living creatures (Ezek. 1:8) who have eyes in front and behind like
the wheels of Ezek. 1:18; this same juxtaposition of creatures and
wheels can be seen in 4Q385 4 12. Though referring to the creatures
in series, the four faces of Rev. 4:7 correspond with those mentioned
in Ezek. 1:10 and 4Q385 4 8-9. The six wings of Rev. 4:8 are almost
certainly derived from Isaiah 6.55 It is noticeable that when
Pseudo-Ezekiel and Revelation 4 are laid side by side, the only
significant differences concern the use of Ezek. 1:8 and 16 in 4Q385
4 9-11. Thus these two verses alone are out of order in 4Q385 and of
the verses of Ezekiel 1 represented in 4Q385 they are the only ones
not represented in Revelation 4.
One feature of the close analysis of this kind of shared
intertextuality is its possible use in the correct reading of some of
the fragmentary exegetical material from Qumran. In other words where
the juxtaposition of texts seems clear in the New Testament passage,
it might be possible to use such juxtaposition to provide suitable
readings and restorations in a fragmentary Qumran passage. A case in
point concerns the problematic line 7 in 4Q385 frag. 4. According to
its editors, at least in their preliminary work, this reads
hy]lgr yt#w tx)h hyh Klt Myt# l( rwx). They
understand that the phrase refers to legs: "upon two each living
creature was walking."56 Since Ezekiel does not refer to the number
of legs each creature had, Dimant and Strugnell draw attention to the
possible similarity between the description in this line concerning
legs and the description of the Seraphim's six wings in Isa. 6:2,
where the function of each pair is described.57 In light of the
clear use of Isa. 6:2-3 in Rev. 4:8 where each of the four living
creatures is described as having six wings, it seems appropriate to
view 4Q385 4 7 in this way.58 However, the reading of lgr at the
end of the extant line is far from certain. None of its letters are
obvious on PAM 43.503, and it may be preferable to restore the last
word of the line with some form of Mypnkh.59
This means that the whole line could refer not to the legs or feet of
the living creatures but to their wings. Ezekiel 1 and 10 seem to
agree that the creatures each had four of these, two for movement,
touching the wings of their neighbour, and two to cover their bodies
(Ezek. 1:11; 10:21). Revelation might then be the earliest text to
introduce the idea of each creature having six wings.
As a result of paying attention to these details, the similarity
to one another of 4Q385 frag. 4 and Revelation 4 can be assessed
cautiously. Both texts show evidence of weaving Ezekiel 1 and 10
together. 4Q385 includes some allusions to Ezekiel 1 out of order
and, intriguingly, Revelation 4 makes no reference to those same
Ezekiel passages. In Revelation 4 there is clear reference to Isa.
6:2-3. That same passage is hinted at in 4Q505 and may possibly lie
behind a phrase in 4Q385 4. Furthermore it should be noted that the
order of the four living creatures is different in all the sources,
Ezekiel, 4Q385 and Revelation 4. There is no literary dependence
here, but a complex variable representation of a spiritual experience
which can only be adequately expressed by reference to more than one
scriptural text.
F. Ezekiel 37 and Leviticus 26 in 4Q119, 11Q19 and 2 Corinthians 6
Some scriptural phrases become almost proverbial as they are used
and reused, so that it is not always clear which passage may be the
source of the allusion and which the passage which is making the
allusion. Something of this kind of intertextuality can be seen in
the way in which the text of Lev. 26:9 in 4Q119 (4QLXXLeva) seems to
reflect something of Ezek. 37:26.60 4Q119 reads kai estai mou h diaqhkh en umin whereas the LXX reads
kai\ sth&sw th_n diaqh&khn mou meq'u(mw~n. The
relevant phrase of Ezek. 37:26 is Mtw) hyhy Mlw) tyrb (diaqh&kh ai0wnia e!stai met'au)tw~n).
Something similar can be seen in 11Q19 (11QTa) 29:7-8:
Mlw(l Mhl hyh) ykwn)w M(l yl wyh. As Y. Yadin
observed the closest parallel to this is Ezek. 37:23: Myhl)l Mhl hyh) yn)w M(l yl wyh.61 Lev.
26:12 may also be in
mind (M(l yl wyht Mt)w Myhl)l Mkl ytyyhw) as
also Jer. 31:33 (M(l yl wyhy hmhw Myhl)l Mhl ytyyhw). The justification of making a reference to Leviticus
at this point may come from noticing that it is the covenantal
language of the closely proximate passage, Lev. 26:42, which can best
explain some elements in 11Q19 29:10. In other words, this
redactional passage of the Temple Scroll seems to give us a good
example of the intertextual relationship of Leviticus 26 and Ezekiel
37.
This same relationship features in 2 Cor. 6:14-7:1,62 a passage
which has commonly been discussed in relation to the Dead Sea
scrolls, especially 4Q174.63 The text contains a string of
scriptural quotations, beginning with Lev. 26:12 and Ezek. 37:27,
followed by Isa. 52:11 and 2 Sam. 7:14.64 It seems as if there is a
common set of passages which are mutually suggestive and represent
the ideology of a particular tradition. But again, attention to
detail hints at a more complex picture. Uniquely of the witnesses to
Lev. 26:12 4Q119 reads eqn[oj] instead of
lao&j; as Ulrich comments, "it is very difficult
to imagine eqnoj being substituted -
intentionally or in error - for an original
laoj... Thus it would appear that
eqnoj was the OG translation here at 26:12, with
lao&j as the routine revisional
substitution."65 In other words the very manuscript of scripture at
Qumran in which there seems to be something of the intertextual
cross-fertilisation of Leviticus and Ezekiel represents a unique form
of text. Once again, it is not possible to compare like with like in
the scrolls and the New Testament but to see as with the relationship
between Leviticus 25 and Isaiah 61 that a shared intertextual
interpretation is rooted in the text of scripture itself and that is
variously used in later and almost contemporary exegetical passages.
G. Psalm 82 in 11Q13 and John 10
As part of the subsidiary argument in column 2 of the principal
fragments of 11Q13 Ps. 82:1-2 is cited, though the two verses of the
Psalm are split by some secondary argument that refers to Ps. 7:7-8.
Psalm 82 is also quoted in John 10:34. In 11Q13 the purpose of the
reference is to highlight who are the suitable angelic judges. The
use of Ps. 7:7-8 makes this clear.66 It is not Belial (and those of
his lot) but Melchizedek who is the heavenly judge, acting as God's
agent.
In its address Ps. 82:6 repeats the initial suggestion of verse 1,
that the angels are "gods." Too often the use of Ps. 82:6 in John
10:34 has been read in ontological terms concerning the nature of
Jesus' relationship to God. The passage is read as being a debate
about Jesus' status in an argument from the lesser to the greater,
namely, that since in the lesser case the angels are called gods, so
therefore in the greater case must the one whom the Father has
sanctified and sent into the world, and who himself does the works of
the Father, be considered as in a more intimate relationship to God
than the angels, a more proximate expression of the nature of God
himself, even though he is a man (John 10:33). But it is also
noticeable that according to John 10:34, in citing Ps. 82:6, Jesus
refers to the text as written in the Law. Some have taken the term
Law here as implying simply a shorthand for the scriptures as a
whole,67 but others have sought a passage in the Law which suggests
something similar to the content of Ps. 82:6, such as Deut. 32:43 as
in 4QDeutq: "Worship him, all you gods."68
For the better understanding of how John 10:32-39 reflects an
interest in judges and right judgement R.E. Brown shows how, when
taken in context, Ps 82:6 is part of the castigation of unjust
judges.69 Since one of the Fourth Gospel's themes is that Jesus is
the judge par excellence, passages in the Hebrew Bible describing how
judgement belongs to God (e.g., Deut. 1:17) or which speak of Israel
coming before their human judges as appearing before God himself
(e.g., Deut. 19:17; Exod. 21:6; 22:9) can be assumed as part of the
setting for how Jesus' audience should perceive that through Jesus
divine judgement has come upon them. Though the same verse is not
cited in both 11Q13 and John 10:34, the overall subject matter which
lies behind the use of the Psalm in both contexts is probably to be
understood as very similar.70
As with the previous examples here are two exegetical uses of the
same Psalm, and the theme of the intepretations is very similar in
the two contexts where the Psalm is cited. In 11Q13 another Psalm is
interwoven to draw out the meaning of the reference to Psalm 82; in
John 10 the broader context of Jesus as judge assumes allusions to
other scriptural passages as is implied in the use of the term "your
Law." There is much that is shared, but much is common simply because
of the way Psalm 82 is understood as part of the argument in both
passages.
III. Conclusions
Seven passages in the New Testament have been considered in this
study. They have been set alongside a slightly larger number of
passages from the scrolls found at Qumran. In both contexts the
scrolls and the New Testament seem to share combined references or
allusions to scripture. It is not a matter of a single quotation
alone, but of shared intertextual interpretations. What can be said
by way of conclusion in drawing out the significance of this
investigation?
Firstly it needs to be stated clearly that no New Testament work
explicitly cites any literary work found in the Qumran caves. Some
scriptural passages, such as the famous Isa. 40:3, are indeed found
quoted explicitly in both corpora, but the literary contexts of each
usage are distinct. Perhaps the closest a New Testament work comes to
citing a Qumran text is Mark 10:6 (// Matt. 19:4) on divorce, where
not only is Gen. 1:27 cited explicitly as in CD 4:21, but also the
preliminary phraseology, "from the beginning of creation" is indeed
not unlike what is found in CD's h)yrbh dwsy.
But we have noticed that these similarities need to be handled
carefully.
Secondly some Qumran and New Testament quotations of scriptural
passages clearly represent the same text form, even though the former
is in Hebrew and the latter in Greek. So, for example, Amos 9:11 in
4Q174, CD 7:16, and Acts 15:16.71 However, this similarity in text
form does not mean that the New Testament author is quoting from a
Qumran version of the text and translating appropriately as he goes.
It is much more likely that we are now just beginning to realize what
every New Testament scholar should have known all along, that in the
first century CE, whilst there is a move towards some kind of
standardization of the Hebrew text form, there remains plenty of
evidence for a plurality of text types extant in Palestine during the
first centuries BCE and CE. This omnipresent diversity means that the
coincidence of variant readings in more than one source is not all
that remarkable.
Thirdly, perhaps the most intriguing and significant conclusion of
this investigation can be expressed as follows. In several examples
there is considerable overlap in shared intertextual exegetical
combinations in the text found at Qumran and the New Testament, but
it is also obvious that there are many differences which should not
be forgotten. Having more than one exegetical matter in common with a
contemporary text does not necessarily imply that there is any direct
literary relationship between those two texts. This unexpected
conclusion needs some elaboration. The increasingly sophisticated
methodological awareness of those interested in intertextuality, that
all texts reflect a dialogue with other texts, written and unwritten,
has enabled students of texts to perceive that texts which assume
some kind of authority often produce or are the products of echoes of
other texts. As is well known, the Hebrew Bible is its own witness to
developing literary traditions and the scrolls found at Qumran attest
how scribes in copying its books often behaved intertextually
themselves, introducing phraseology that was reminiscent of other
passages of scripture. This may happen both deliberately as two
scriptural texts with related subject matter are associated with one
another; or it may happen unconciously as the idiomatic phraseology
of one passage comes to influence the scribe as he works on another.
This attests to the phenomenon that some scriptural texts (and no
doubt others too) readily suggest their own intertextual spheres.
Those that reappear most intricately in subsequent traditions are
primarily attesting the suggestiveness of the exegetical base text,
rather than defining a particular social group or groups who read the
text in an exclusive way through the generations. Thus the more
shared intertextual combinations there are between groups of various
persuasions, the greater is the suggestiveness of the base text and
the less the likelihood of direct literary dependence of one group on
another - unless, of course, quotation of a literary source can be
unequivocally demonstrated.
There are many similar concerns in the scrolls, both the so-called
sectarian ones and in the non-scriptural non-sectarian ones, and in
the New Testament writings. These are most obvious in the common
features of their community organization and the common elements of
their eschatologies, especially when messianic hopes and claims are
the issue. However, these seem to be the common inheritance of the
Judaisms that live primarily under eschatological motivation, rather
than the products of the self-reflection of limited numbers of
people, isolated in well-defined groups, familiar with one another's
ideas. In those very passages in both the scrolls and the New
Testament where there are similar intertextual echoes, this study has
observed that the interpretative differences are as numerous as the
similarities. Attention to intertextuality shows the distinctiveness
of each set of writings but also that much in the New Testament is
the common stock of eschatologically oriented first century
Palestinian Judaism; the scriptural exegesis in the extant texts of
the first two generations of Christians does not show that
Christianity is an Essenism that has largely succeeded.72
NOTES
1 I am very grateful to the Hebrew University's Orion Center for
the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature for
inviting me to participate in its international symposium on
"Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in
Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls." [Back to text]
2 The most significant starting point is the essay by J.A.
Fitzmyer, "The Use of Explicit Old Testament Quotations in Qumran
Literature and in the New Testament," NTS 7 (1960-61) 297-333;
reprinted in Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament
(London: Chapman, 1971) 3-58. Further bibliography can be found in
J.A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for
Study (SBLRBS 20; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 173-79. [Back to text]
3 See, e.g., J.A. Fitzmyer, "4QTestimonia and the New Testament,"
TS 18 (1957) 513-37; reprinted in Essays on the Semitic Background of
the New Testament, 59-89. [Back to text]
4 The statement of J.A. Fitzmyer can be considered typical: "One
of the most striking cases of accommodation which occurs in the
Qumran literature is found in the following passage [CD 4:19-5:2], in
which four Old testament passages are used. It also has a striking
parallel in the New Testament" (Essays on the Semitic Background of
the New Testament, 36). [Back to text]
5 A possibility drawn to my attention by D.R. Schwartz. [Back to text]
6 As, e.g., C.D. Stanley, Paul and the Language of Scripture:
Citation Technique in the Pauline Epistles and Contemporary
Literature (SNTSMS 74; Cambridge: University Press, 1992). [Back to text]
7 This was the intended hallmark of the study by J. de Waard, A
Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls
and in the New Testament (STDJ 4; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965), but many
studies proceed little further. [Back to text]
8 See the landmark studies by G. Vermes as collected in his
Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies (SPB 4; Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 19832). [Back to text]
9 The term was adopted and adapted for literary theory by J.
Kristeva in her essay "Word, Dialogue and Novel," first published in
French in Séméiotiké: recherches pour une
sémanalyse (Paris: Seuil, 1969) and available in English in
The Kristeva Reader (ed. T. Moi; Oxford: Blackwell, 1986) 35-61; see
also J. Kristeva, La Révolution du langue poétique
(Paris: Seuil, 1974) 59-60. [Back to text]
10 The literature on intertextuality is very extensive: a useful
guide is M. Worton and J. Still, eds, Intertextuality: Theories and
Practices (Manchester: University Press, 1990); there are also some
very instructive comments in S. Stewart, Nonsense: Aspects of
Intertextuality in Folklore and Literature (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1978). Particularly influential on some aspects of
the current study have been R.B. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the
Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989) with respect
to the NT, and D. Boyarin, Intertextuality and the Reading of Midrash
(Indiana Studies in Biblical Literature; Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1990) with respect to Jewish exegetical traditions;
also noteworthy is Intertextuality in Biblical Writings: Essays in
Honour of Bas van Iersel (ed. S. Draisma; Kampen: J.H. Kok, 1989). [Back to text]
11 "The term intertextuality denotes this transposiiton of one (or
several) sign-system(s) into another; but since this term hsa often
been understood in the banal sense of 'study of sources', we prefer
the term transposition because it specifies that the passage from one
signifying system to another demands a new articulation of the thetic
- of enunciative and denotative positionality": J. Kristeva,
"Revolution in Poetic Language," in The Kristeva Reader, 111. [Back to text]
12 See G.J. Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran: 4QFlorilegium in its
Jewish Context (JSOTS 29; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985) 209-10. [Back to text]
13 For the text of 4Q174 see now É. Puech, La Croyance des
Esséniens en la vie future: immortalité,
résurrection, vie éternelle? Histoire d'une croyance
dans le Judaïsme ancien (EB 22; Paris: J. Gabalda, 1993) 572-87;
A. Steudel, Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde
(4QMidrEchata.b): Materielle Rekonstruktion, Textbestand, Gattung und
traditionsgeschichtliche Einordnung des durch 4Q174 ("Florilegium")
und 4Q177 ("Catena A") repräsentierten Werkes aus den
Qumranfunden (STDJ 13; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994) 5-53. [Back to text]
14 See G.J. Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 166-69. [Back to text]
15 É. Puech, La Croyance des Esséniens, 573, n. 20. [Back to text]
16 A. Steudel, Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der
Qumrangemeinde, 161-63. [Back to text]
17 See G.J. Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 111-13. [Back to text]
18 As described recently by J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the
Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient
Literature (Anchor Bible Reference Library; New York: Doubleday,
1995) 61, cf. 23. [Back to text]
19 Influence initially outlined most extensively by Y. Yadin, "The
Dead Sea Scrolls and the Epistle to the Hebrews," Aspects of the Dead
Sea Scrolls (Scripta Hierosolymitana 4; ed. C. Rabin and Y. Yadin;
Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 19652) 36-55; and continued subsequently in
the extensive debate over whether the figure of Melichizedek in 11Q13
lies behind the same name in Hebrews 5-7, on which see P.J. Kobelski,
Melchizedek and Melchiresa' (CBQMS 10; Washington: Catholic Biblical
Association of America, 1981) 115-29. [Back to text]
20 Nor need we suppose a middle way, as for example does H.W.
Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews: A Commentary on the Epistle to
the Hebrews (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1989) 50: "The
form of this material resembles the catenae or florilegia found at
Qumran, which share some of the texts found here. Such collections of
messianic proof texts probably circulated in early Christian circles
and it is likely that the author used such a traditional collection
at this point." Attridge also notes the widespread criticism of such
a view. [Back to text]
21 See my detailed study: G.J. Brooke, "4Q500 1 and the Use of
Scripture in the Parable of the Vineyard," DSD 2 (1995) 268-94. [Back to text]
22 J.M. Baumgarten, "4Q500 and the Ancient Conception of the
Lord's Vineyard," JJS 40 (1989) 1-6. [Back to text]
23 Baumgarten points to Ps. 84:7 ()kb; cf.
4Q500 1 2); Ps. 65:10
(Myhl) glp; cf.
hkdwbk yglp, 4Q500 1 5); Ps. 46:5
(Myhl) ry( wxm#y wyglp rhn). [Back to text]
24 Cf. Isa. 32:2; Ezek. 47:1-12; Tg. Jon. Isa. 5:2
(Nwhy)+x l( )rpkl tybhy yxbdm P)w Nwhynyb y#dqm tynbw); t. Suk. 3:15 (Mgw xbzm hz hb bcx bqy lkyh hz ykwtb ldgm Nbyw
ty#h hz wb bcx bqy); 1 Enoch 89:50. [Back to text]
25 G.J. Brooke, "4Q500 1 and the Use of Scripture in the Parable
of the Vineyard," 272. [Back to text]
26 See notes 22 and 23 above. [Back to text]
27 É. Puech, "Une apocalypse messianique (4Q521)," RevQ 15
(1990-92) 475-519; reprinted in an adjusted form in É. Puech,
La Croyance des Esséniens en la vie future, 627-92. [Back to text]
28 See especially M. Wise and J. Tabor, "The Messiah at Qumran,"
BAR 18/6 (1992) 60-65; J.D. Tabor and M.O. Wise, "4Q251 'On
Resurrection' and the Synoptic Gospel Tradition: A Preliminary
Study," JSP 10 (1992) 149-62; J.J. Collins, "The Works of the
Messiah," DSD 1 (1994) 98-112; J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the
Star, 117-22; G.J. Brooke, "Luke-Acts and the Qumran Scrolls: the
Case of MMT," Luke's Literary Achievement: Collected Essays (ed. C.M.
Tuckett; JSNTSup 116; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995)
75-76. [Back to text]
29 J.J. Collins, "The Works of the Messiah," 107; The Scepter and
the Star, 122. [Back to text]
30 This is not a direct quotation of Isa. 35:5, since the verbal
phrase there is
a)noixqh&sontai o)fqalmoi\ tuflw~n; a)nable&pw occurs in Isa. 61:1. [Back to text]
31 Only the noun is the same in both Luke 7:22 // and Isa. 35:5. [Back to text]
32 Both verb and noun are the same as in Isa. 35:5. [Back to text]
33 This is clearly an allusion to Isa. 61:1, but the structure of
the Gospel saying means that in each phrase the noun precedes the
verb, whereas in Isa. 61:1 the verb precedes the noun. The
grammatical forms are not quite the same in any case. The influence
of Isa. 61:1 in other parts of the Gospel tradition (e.g., Matt. 5:3
// Luke 6:20) and the possible influence of those passages on Luke
7:22 // should also be borne in mind, but cannot be dealt with in
detail here. [Back to text]
34 There is no overall counterpart to the LXX's tufloi=j a)na&bleyin in the MT or Qumran MSS of Isaiah; perhaps this is
an example of intertextual influence of some kind within the
transmission of Isaiah, not necessarily at the stage of translation.
Though it seems as if xqp is taken to refer to
the opening of the eyes as in Isa. 35:5, the Greek of Isa. 61:1 does
not use a form of a)noi/gw. Other secondary
Isaianic influences should also be considered (Isa. 26:19; 29:18-19;
42:7, 18) as well as possible allusions to the Elijah and Elishah
stories for items 3 and 5 (1 Kgs 17:17-24; 2 Kgs 4:18-37; 5:1-24). [Back to text]
35 The influence of Psalm 146 is visible elsewhere in the fragment
too: e.g., with lines 1-2 compare Ps. 146:6. [Back to text]
36 "Une apocalypse messianique," 493. [Back to text]
37 The three elements in the list from line 13 are somewhat
uncertain. Tabor and Wise read only h#(y M[b] h(ry lhny My#w[dq, "... he will lead the [Ho]ly Ones, he
will
shepherd [th]em. He will do..." ("4Q521 'On Resurrection'," 150-51). [Back to text]
38 It would be unwarranted indeed to suggest in light of 4Q521 and
the possible links of John the Baptist with the movement part of
which is reflected in the Qumran texts that the reply Jesus gives to
John's disciples in the Gospel tradition was deliberately meant to
fit John's expectations with a precise literary allusion to a text
found at Qumran. [Back to text]
39 See M. de Jonge and A.S. van der Woude, "11Q Melchizedek and
the New Testament," NTS 12 (1965-66) 301-26; J.A. Fitzmyer, "Further
Light on Melchizedek from Qumran Cave 11," JBL 86 (1967) 25-41
(reprinted in Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament,
245-67); J. Carmignac, Le document de Qumrân sur
Melkisédeq," RevQ 7 (1969-71) 343-78; J.T. Milik,
"Milkî-edeq et Melkî-resa' dans les anciens écrits
juifs et chrétiens," JJS 23 (1972) 95-144; G.J. Brooke,
Exegesis at Qumran, 319-23; T.H. Lim, "11QMelch, Luke 4 and the Dying
Messiah," JJS 43 (1992) 90-92. [Back to text]
40 For the text of 11Q13 see most recently É. Puech, "Notes
sur le manuscrit 11QMelkîsédeq," RevQ 12 (1985-87)
483-513; La Croyance des Esséniens en la vie future, 516-26. [Back to text]
41 In addition to the studies listed in note 31 see, e.g., M.P.
Miller, "The Function of Isa 61:1-2 in 11Q Melchizedek," JBL 88
(1969) 467-69; D.F. Miner, "A Suggested Reading for 11Q Melchizedek
17," JSJ 2 (1971) 144-48; J.A. Sanders, "The Old Testament in 11Q
Melchizedek," JANESCU 5 (1973) 373-82; J.A. Sanders, "From Isaiah 61
to Luke 4," Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults:
Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty (SJLA 12; ed. J. Neusner; Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1975) 1.75-106. [Back to text]
42 The LXX makes the connection too, using
a#fesij to render both lbwy
of Lev. 25:13 and h+m# of Deut. 15:2; also 1Q22
column 3 may be best restored with reference to both Leviticus 25 and
Deuteronomy 15. See J.A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background
of the New Testament, 256. [Back to text]
43 This is well brought out in relation to the whole text of
Luke-Acts by A. Finkel, "Jesus' Preaching in the Synagogue on the
Sabbath (Luke 4.16-28)," The Gospels and the Scriptures of Israel
(ed. C.A. Evans and W.R. Stegner; JSNTSup 104; Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1994) 325-41. [Back to text]
44 See especially C. Perrot, "Luc 4,16-30 et la lecture biblique
de l'ancienne Synagogue," Exégèse biblique et Judaisme
(ed. J.-E. Ménard; Strasbourg: Palais Universitaire, 1973)
170-86; and more generally his essay "The Reading of the Bible in the
Ancient Synagogue," Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and
Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early
Christianity (ed. M.J. Mulder; CRINT 2/1; Assen: van Gorcum;
Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988) 137-59. [Back to text]
45 J.A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke I-IX: a New
Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 28; Garden City:
Doubleday, 19832) 532. [Back to text]
46 J.A. Fitzmyer says of the question in Luke 4:22: "The query
could in itself be one of cynical indignation or one of pleasant
surprise or admiration; in my opinion, it records the latter" (The
Gospel According to Luke I-IX, 535). Fitzmyer also refers back to
Luke 3:23 for appreciating the significance of the question. [Back to text]
47 R.J. Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early
Church (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1990) 315-73. [Back to text]
48 Jude and the Relatives of Jesus, 319. [Back to text]
49 See especially G.J. Brooke, "Ezekiel in Some Qumran and New
Testament Texts," The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the
Intenational Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 18-21 March
1991 (ed. J. Trebolle Barrera and L. Vegas Montaner; STDJ 11; Leiden:
E.J. Brill; Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1993) 332-36. [Back to text]
50 See D. Dimant and J. Strugnell, "4Q Second Ezekiel (4Q385),"
RevQ 13 (1988) 45-58; "The Merkabah Vision in Second Ezekiel (4Q385
4)," RevQ 14 (1989-90) 331-48. For the most recent information on the
assignation of particular fragments to manuscripts of Second Ezekiel
see also D. Dimant, "New Light on the Jewish Pseudepigrapha - 4Q390,"
The Madrid Qumran Congress, 408-409. That information renders
obsolete the presentation of the fragments of various manuscripts in
B.-Z. Wacholder and M. Abegg, A Preliminary Edition of the
Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew and Aramaic Texts from Cave
Four (Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1995) 3.228-63 which
is controlled by the allocations of fragments made according to the
Preliminary Concordance. [Back to text]
51 D. Dimant and J. Strugnell, "The Merkabah Vision in Second
Ezekiel," 344-45. [Back to text]
52 "The Merkabah Vision in Second Ezekiel," 345. [Back to text]
53 See C. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical
Edition (HSS 27; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 307-21, especially
315 on lines 9-10. [Back to text]
54 G.J. Brooke, "Ezekiel in Some Qumran and New Testament Texts,"
333-34. [Back to text]
55 Enoch's vision in 1 Enoch 14 is a similar combination of
elements from Isaiah 6 and Ezekiel 1 and 10, together with other
scriptural passages. [Back to text]
56 "The Merkabah Vision in Second Ezekiel," 335. [Back to text]
57 "The Merkabah Vision in Second Ezekiel," 338. [Back to text]
58 C. Newsom (Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 316) also finds
traces of Isa. 6:3 in 4Q500 20-23 10. 4Q385 4 3 seems to combine part
of Ezekiel (Ezek. 16:47) with part of Isaiah (Isa. 26:20). [Back to text]
59 B.-Z. Wacholder and M. Abegg (A Preliminary Edition of the
Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls, 230) propose Mypn]kh yt#w. The Preliminary Concordance makes no suggestion,
though the traces of letters are registered. [Back to text]
60 See E.C. Ulrich, "The Septuagint Manuscripts from Qumran: A
Reappraisal of Their Value," Septuagint, Scrolls and Cognate
Writings: Papers Presented to the International Symposium on the
Septuagint and Its relations to the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other
Writings (Manchester, 1990) (ed. G.J. Brooke and B. Lindars; SBLSCS
33; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992) 58-59. In the principal edition of
4Q119 nothing is made of the possible influence of Ezekiel on this
manuscript of Leviticus at this point: P.W. Skehan, E. Ulrich, J.E.
Sanderson, Qumran Cave 4.IV: Palaeo-Hebrew and Greek Biblical
Manuscripts (DJD 9; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992) 161-65. [Back to text]
61 Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration
Society, Hebrew University, Shrine of the Book, 1983) 128. [Back to text]
62 There is an extensive literature on this pericope: J.A.
Fitzmyer, "Qumran and the Interpolated Paragraph in 2 Cor 6:14-7:1,"
CBQ 23 (1961) 271-80; reprinted in Essays on the Semitic Background
of the New Testament, 205-17; B. Gärtner, The Temple and the
Community in Qumran and the New Testament (SNTSMS 1; Cambridge:
University Press, 1965) 49-56; J. Gnilka, "2 Cor 6:14-7:1 in Light of
the Qumran Texts and the testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," Paul
and Qumran (ed. J. Murphy-O'Connor; Chicago: Priory Press, 1968)
48-68; reprinted in Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. J.
Murphy-O'Connor and J.H. Charlesworth; New York: Crossroad, 1990)
48-68; G. Klinzing, Das Umdeutung des Kultus in der Qumrangemeinde
und im Neuen Testament (SUNT 7; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1971) 175-82; H.D. Betz, "2 Cor 6:14-7:1: An Anti-Pauline
Fragment?" JBL 92 (1973) 88-108; M.E. Thrall, "The Problem of II Cor.
vi.14-vii.1 in Some Recent Discussion," NTS 24 (1977-78) 132-48; G.J.
Brooke, "Ezekiel in Some Qumran and New Testament Texts," 331-32. [Back to text]
63 See, e.g., G.J. Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 211-17. [Back to text]
64 Cf. the proximity of Ezek. 37:27 and 2 Sam. 7:14 in Rev. 21:3
and 7 respectively. [Back to text]
65 "The Septuagint Manuscripts from Qumran," 61. [Back to text]
66 As highlighted by P.J. Kobelski, Melchizedek and Melkiresa',
62-63. [Back to text]
67 As, e.g, R.E. Brown, The Gospel According to John I-XII (AB;
Garden City: Doubleday, 1966) 403. [Back to text]
68 Cf. LXX proskunhsa&ntwsan au)tw~| pa&ntej ui(oi\ qeou~. [Back to text]
69 The Gospel According to John I-XII, 409-11. [Back to text]
70 This is brought out best in studies by J.A. Emerton, "Some New
Testament Notes," JTS 11 (1960) 329-32; "Melchizedek and the Gods:
Fresh Evidence for the Jewish Background of John x.34-36," JTS 17
(1966) 399-401. [Back to text]
71 See the discussion in J. de Waard, A Comparative Study of the
Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the New Testament,
24-26. [Back to text]
72 To paraphrase Renan. I am grateful to A. Lerner for discovering
the precise reference in Renan's writings: Histoire du peuple
d'Isräel (Paris: Calman Lévy, 1891) 5.70. [Back to text]
Please send comments or inquiries to the Orion Center at
msdss@mscc.huji.ac.il
|